I. INTRODUCTIONThe aim of this
communication is to present the major trends of research on Arab towns
based on an analysis of urban contexts in the Arab world. This
retrospective on research is not complete, however, because urban studies
are concerned with a large number of questions while the census are always
made or dealt with selectively, often favouring research themes that bring
an interdisciplinary convergence, leaving more selective studies on one
side. This synthesis is an extension of a reflection carried out within
the GURI (1)
programme which benefited from the participation of specialists of urban
studies in North Africa and Egypt.
II. FEATURES OF URBANISATION IN THE ARAB
WORLDThe Arab world today is marked by the extraordinary
expansion of towns and the changes brought about by urbanisation. For a
population of 200 million, about half consists of town dwellers. Compared
with other developing countries, this rate of urbanisation comes just
after that of Latin America. The urban « explosion » that has
occurred in several Arab countries is shown not only in the spectacular
growth of the major cities and large regional centres (see Table in
Annex), but also in the rapid development of small and medium-sized towns
during the last twenty years.
Although these changes show a sustained increase in the Arab world (2) they give rise
to a process of urbanisation that is far from uniform. The diversity of
national situations and the existence of urban traditions in each country
(Morocco, Tunisia, Algeria and Syria), explain the heterogenity of the
This urbanisation, which is spatially differentiated, is a sustainable
phenomenon that will intensify during the coming decades. Its development
is linked to a high natural growth rate (high birth rate of 4.25% a year,
and an increasingly lower death rate of 3.12%) and heavy migratory
pressure, all features that can be found in developing countries as a
whole. In fact, in all the Arab countries, urban population is growing at
a higher rate than the national population. Two geographic groups should
be distinguished, one where urbanisation is very high (above 70%), and
one, where urbanisation is taking place at a slower rythm:
- Firstly, there are the Gulf States, Saudi
Arabia and Libya which have undergone spectacular urban transformations in
just a few years, owing to petroleum revenues. The urban growth rates in
Kuwait, Qatar and the United Arab Emirates are among the highest in the
world. In 1986, towns accounted for 90% of the total population.
- Secondly, in the Maghreb countries (with the
exception of Libya) which have unequal resources and are undergoing a
process of social change and the countries that have been recently
urbanised, for which the urban growth rate has been accelerated due to the
effects of a wide variety of climatic or political crises (Sudan,Yemen,
1. Imbalances in the urban frameworkIn the
Arab countries, the urban framework often appears to be in a state of
disequilibrium due to geographical constraints. This common feature does
not apply a similar pattern of development. Apart from the « City
States » of the Gulf, where the presence of one metropolis dominates
the whole urban system, varying degrees of unbalance can be noted in the
In the case of the Maghreb, despite initial restoration of the balance
of regional disparities with regard to the concentration of city dwellers,
the coastal regions still have the highest concentration of towns. With
regard to the urban explosion that has marked the outskirts of big centres
(Casablanca, Algiers, Tunis), one of the most significant facts is the
intensification of relations between these centres and their
Thus, in Morocco, where the number of towns has practically doubled in
16 years (128 in 1960-1966 to 240 in the 1982 census) and where the urban
growth is an average of 4.28% per year, the seaboard axis
Casablanca-Rabat-Kénitra groups 40% of the urban population of the
In Algeria, 95% of the inhabitants live in one sixth of the national
territory (350,000 km²). In 1994, 447 urban built-up areas (3) with half the
country's population (4) were
concentrated almost exclusively in a limited seaboard area of 1,200 kms
long by 100 kms wide.
In Tunisia, although the strong trend towards urbanisation (annual
growth of 3.6%) is related partly to administrative divisions (5), town-dwellers
make up 61% of the population as a whole (6). Urban
structures... is found mainly in the provinces of Tunis and the Sahel
(centre-east of the country) which have the largest economic facilities
and contain more than 40% of the urban population. The Tunis district and
the centre-east each represent more than a fifth of the country's
population. These are the regions that have the highest growth rate (2.7%
and 2.5% respectively), the north-west having the weakest.
In Egypt, where the town dwellers make up approximately 50% of the
total population, the main part of the urban network, lying in a patchwork
arrangement along the length of the Nile, is densely populated and is
marked by Cairo's macrocephalous nature. Between 1976 and 1986, the last
inter-census period, the urban population grew by 10% and the number of
towns having more than 100,000 inhabitants rose from 20 to 24.
In Sudan, the highest densities are along the river network and the
population that remains 70% rural. The development of Khartoum, which has
become the main magnet of attraction for a major migrating movement, is
the most important feature of urbanisation in this country.
2. An urban system in the throes of changeThe
last population censuses taken in Egypt (1986), Algeria (1985), Morocco
(1982 and 1994), and Tunisia (1994), show a relative stabilization of
growth of the large metropolises and a steadier growth of the small or
The urban system in Tunisia is now dominated by small-sized urban
built-up areas. The extending of the urban perimeter of most large towns
is accompanies by an increase in the size of the small and medium-sized
towns, with urban communities of 10,000 to 40,000 inhabitants representing
40% of the urban population.
Following the example of Tunisia, Morocco is expereincing a
significative growth in its small and medium-sized towns (6.8%), against a
slowing down of the growth of the large metropolises (3.3% a year). In
fact, the population of some towns has risen from 20,000 to 50,000
inhabitants, corresponding to a gain of 12 points that represents a
migratory gain much higher than that of Casablanca (Escallier 1995).
Mauritania, unlike the other Maghreb countries, es experiencing a
relatively moderate population growth (2.08% per year) because of a
continuing high death rate. Town dwellers represent about 32% of the
population, in spite of factors (lack of rainfall and forced population
migrations after the conflict with Senegal in April 1989) that have
accentuated the movement towards urbanisation. However, during the last 20
years the development of iron deposits entailing amenities for new
centres, the trend towards the sedentarisation of nomads, and the
tertiarisation of the economy have together contributed to the
considerable growth of the towns, especially Nouakchott.
The case of Egypt is rather special, because although Cairo continues
to dominate the national urban system (approximately 12 million
inhabitants, that is 12.6% of the total population and 28.8% of the urban
population), there has been a growth of small and medium-sized towns
during the last three decades. In fact, the results of the last census
published by CAPMAS (Central Agency for Public Mobilization and
Statistics) reveal a stabilization in the growth of large towns in Egypt:
Cairo, Alexandria, Port Said and Suez (7). These
provincial cities have seen their population go from 49% to 45.9% of the
total population during the inter-census period (1976-1986) (8). The urban
centres of the rural provinces have benefited from this stabilization,
mainly in the towns of Upper Egypt that harbour 25.5% of the urban
population of the country against 24% in 1976, the centres in the Delta
which have increased their growth from 26% to 27.1% and the towns of
frontier districts which gained 6%. This trend is illustrated by the
example of several urban centres of the province of Minia, that were left
on the fringes for a long time and have expierenced major increase between
the last two operations.
The small towns are therefore fulfilling an increasing number of
functions due to the development of service activities which include
administration, education and health. Through decentralisation and the
downward migration of civil servants and managerial personnel, they have
acquired the position of administrative, commercial and even manufacturing
In contrast to Morocco, a country of large towns, and Tunisia, where
small towns are particularly numerous, the urban system in Algeria would
appear to be fairly balanced with a relatively dense network of small and
medium-sized towns. Towns with less than 20,000 inhabitants represented
two thirds of the urban system at the time of the 1977 census.
Growth rate in the province of Minia (Middle
Annual growth rate
1960-1976 in %
Annual growth rate
1976-1986 in %
Source : Atteya Khadija, 1988, Al-tahaddur wa al-tawzi'
al-haramî li mudun misr (Urbanisation and hierarchy in Egyptian
towns), 1976-1986, Symposium on urban expansion in Egypt, Cairo, pp.
In Libya, urban centres with 2,000 to 30,000 inhabitants have seen
record levels of growth (often more than 10% a year) and their size in
national terms has risen from 15% in 1964 to 23.7% in 1984. Alongside
this, 36% of the urban population is concentrated in the medium-sized
towns (from 30,000 to 100,000 inhabitants) (Chaline, 1990, pp.29-30). The
appearance of new urban centres and the development of existing small
towns has taken place mostly in the regions of Tripolitania and Cyrenaica,
the two major economic areas. In spite of a volontarist policy during the
last 30 years aimed at limiting big urban concentrations, the bipolar
system around Tripoli and Benghazi has been considerably strengthened.
In the Maghreb and the Near East, the urbanisation movement goes
together with new forms of activity. The small town, pole of diffusion of
these new reference models, very obviously influences the development of
the rural world due to the development of transport that facilitates
pendular migrations between town and country.
The dynamism of small and middle-sized agglomerates is linked in part
to the changes in the migratory pattern during the last twenty years.
These changes have modified, not only the repartition of the population in
Maghreb but also in Egypt and Sudan.
3. The emergence of new migratory
patternsThe appearance of new types of population mobility during the
1980s in the Arab countries is linked to the transformation of the
relations between town and country. If, in the 1960s, faced with the rural
exodus, the big urban centres such as Cairo, Casablanca, Tunis, Algiers,
etc., offered the possibility of integration to the migrants, this is no
longer the case since the end of the 1970s. In fact, these urban centres
find it difficult to absorb the increasing flow of migrants and a slowing
down of emigration towards the big urban centres can be observed.
At the same time, small and medium-sized towns have spread significant
spatial zones of influence that largely polarize the burgeoning
inter-urban migrations. For 20 years, various strategies have been worked
out in this way in the rural zones: pendular migrations, migrations
abroad, development of intermediary towns as well as new agglomerates. One
can equally emphasize the important role of States in the development of
these poles, both new and old, as well as their efforts towards
decentralisation, mainly through the biais of descending migrations of
In the petrol producing Arab countries, international migrations have
largely contributed to the urban expansion. The high growth rate which
marks the towns of the United Arab Emirates and Saudi Arabia is due
basically to the flux of foreign workers from Arab countries
(Palestinians, Egyptians, Yemenites, Syrians) and from Asia (India,
Pakistan, Sri Lanka, Bangladesh, Thailand, Philippines and Republic of
4. The growing importance of the urban
themeFor the last twenty years, the high growth rate of Arab towns
has brought about a recrudescence of research around the urban theme. This
research tries to capture the physical, economic, social and cultural
dimensions. The recent evolution of urban research and the periodisation
of its main trends indicate that, apart from Egypt where the accumulation
of knowledge is traditional, the upthrust of urban concern in Maghreb and
Machrek is an awareness that has existed only since 1975 (Liauzu, 1987;
Troin, 1988; Kharoufi, 1994). To make a complete account would be a
difficult task because of the difficulty of gaining access to certain
information. In addition, the study of the complex process of urbanisation
calls for several disciplines (sociology, geography, political science,
architecture, anthropology) that separately are unable to explain the
problems linked to urbanisation.
Urban studies in the Arab world
Number of studies
|U. A. E.
Source : Liauzu Claude. Société urbaines contemporaines du
Maghreb et Moyen-Orient, 1975-1985 - Essai de bibliographie critique,
Paris Institut du Monde Arabe, 1987.
The classic themes concerned with population such as migration, growth
or development are completed by the analysis of the internal dynamics of
urban societies. These questions have not always been taken into
consideration with the same intensity. The national institutes concerned
with the development of towns have often oriented their action towards
satisfying housing needs.
The interaction between research and the economic, social and political
context of the countries studied can often be noted. In fact, university
research and official preoccupations are often linked to the relationship
between states and societies. Thus, in several Arab countries, the
concerns of the state with regard to urbanism are heightened when
socio-political problems occur: creation of commissions where
decision-makers, planners and experts have concentrated their attention on
III. TRENDS OF RESEARCH THEMESDoctoral theses
could constitute an indicator of trends of urban studies. In French and
Anglo-Saxon universities, which have accepted post-graduates from Arab
countries who are preparing doctoral theses, the analysis of research
programmes indicates a net advance of the urban theme; thus, the number of
theses completed in France on towns in developing countries more than
doubled between 1970 and 1980.
In France, the place of the Arab-Muslim world in doctoral research
(North Africa and Middle East included) is important because this
geographic zone represents more than 50% of theses (Thesam IV, 1992;
Leimdorfer and Vidal, 1992). Over a period of twenty years (1971-1991) and
based on a body of 6500 titles, a progression can be noted of urban
studies which can be explained as much by the wide choice as by the
autonomy of the research units in France (Leimdorfer and Santo-Martino,
Monographic studies on a town, a district or part of a town have the
major place. In fact, half of the repertoried theses have the town as
their subject. The most studied urban areas remain however the big
metropolis: Cairo, Beirut, Amman, Khartoum, Tunis, Casablanca, Fez,
Marrakesh, Rabat, Algiers, Oran, Annaba, etc..
Concerning the countries of North Africa, research in geography on the
urban theme represents more than one thesis in two. This massive
participation dominates the other disciplines such as urbanism (15%),
sociology (13.4%), economy (7%), history (7%), law (1.2%), literature and
psychoanalysis (0.5%) (Leimdorfer and Vidal 1992, 13).
Egypt stands out with an urban research tradition that goes back to the
second half of the last century. Thus, in a bibliographic repertory
published in 1925 by the Association des Géographes (founded in
1875) and having 8753 titles, the theme of the town takes an important
place (El-Kadi 1992). Architects, who were driven by the desire to
safeguard historic monuments, were at the origin of discussions where the
modernists and traditionalists confronted each other about the
conservation of medieval buildings. However, the emergence of a
specialization in research on towns dates from the end of the 1960s and
corresponds to the beginning of urban geography being taught as a
IV. PROPOSAL FOR SOME LINES OF RESEARCHWhen
studying the different themes touched on in research in the Arab
countries, it can be noted that several subjects are rarely dealt with,
even absent, although they could bring about a better understanding of
urban dyanamics at a time when towns are meeting head on the consequences
of the disengagement of the state.
1. Social urban movementsA better knowledge of
the dynamics of Arab towns can be obtained by the study of social urban
movements that have continued to grow during the last two decades. In
fact, various social groups (middle classes, workers movements) are more
and more implicated in the process of historic change. Today, the role of
these groups in the democratisation movement is linked to the effects of
the crisis of which they were the direct victims: unemployment of
qualified people, lowering of earnings and above all blocking of social
Social movements influenced by various ideologies are presently
developing. The creation of leagues for human rights in Tunisia, Egypt,
Algeria, Kuwait and Morocco as well as the proliferation of cultural
associations have inspired reflexions which could help to obtain a better
knowledge of the structure of Arab urban societies. In fact, the
associative phenomenon represents an instrument of integration and a space
for freedom by which the civil society proves its existence and
participates in the management of a country.
2. Management of TownsDuring the last two
decades, large-scale public planning policies have been developed,
indicating a desire for decentralisation and the implication of the towns'
populations in their management. From the middle of the 1970s, the
innovative movement seen by observers in Morocco and Algeria as well as in
Tunisia and Egypt is decentralisation (al-lâmarkaziyya). Linked to
a liberal principle of government, it is supposed to have inspired the
renewing of relations between the state and the citizen.
The years 1974 for Egypt, 1975 for Tunisia and 1976 for Morocco stand
out because of important announcements regarding reforms concerning the
life of local collectivities at the economic and legislative level. These
reforms affect the whole of the political system and include election
organization, communal administration and the renewing of municipal
councils. Research has not sufficiently clarified the relation between the
state structures and the urban civil society in the Arab world. The theme
of management of towns, that at the same time covers optimisation of
management of political and administrative structures and the creation of
responsible institutions for the promotion of democratic principles and
election processes, is rarely dealt with.
3. Urban marginalisation and
integrationSeveral research projects conclude on « the evidence
of urban pauperization ». If a small number of the rural population
who have moved to the towns have made a success of their integration in
the urban economy, thus improving their living conditions, the majority of
the migrants live in precarious conditions which contributes to
reinforcing the phenomena of pauperization and of marginalisation in the
towns. The application of plans for structural adjustment, accompanied by
devices to help disadvantaged people gives us to understand that poverty
is now included in the social policy of public authorities. However, the
progressive reduction of subventions for essential products aggravates the
material difficulties of the most impoverished in the social strata and
reduces buying power at the intermediary social levels.
The general economic recession seems to create a rupture between the
prosperity linked to the oil revenues and the relative national wealth
involved and to which the consumption habits of town dwelllers adapts only
with difficulty. The resulting lack of social and spatial integration
creates contrasts between the forms of urban development. These differ in
their aspect, their level of equipment, and the existence of public
services and the social status of their inhabitants. A more detailed study
of these components remains to be done.
4. Urban crisesThe notion of « urban
crisis » covers complex and fragmentary situations which appear,
according to the environment, by the deficiency of a particular sector
(housing, transport, etc.). One can see « a disproportion between the
objectives of urban instruments (directive schemes, urban framework
schemes) developed mainly for big towns, and the little effect that their
proposals have on the crisis in the towns » (Naciri, 1992).
Concerning the failure of urban structures in big metropolis, several
studies have been published, but the consequences of the economic crisis
on the small and medium sized towns often remain unknown. Research more
often reflects the urban development of Arab countries which translates by
a still large marginalisation of small-sized towns. However, in Egypt and
Morocco, the creation of provincial universities has recently contributed
to the production of monographies (Master's theses) on secondary towns.
5. Issues related to the informal sectorThe
economic transition that has been underway for several decades in Arab
towns is distinguished by the ascendency of the tertiary sector although
industrial employment remains low. Apart from the rich oil producing
countries where the GNP still compensates for the demographic progression,
most of the Arab countries have an imbalance between the offer of and the
demand for employment as well as development of the informal sector. In
fact, in the urban environment the latter has conquered vast spaces, in
various forms, from the pheripheries to the town centres. The informal
sector has today become a full component of a hypertrophied urban
Since the middle of the 1980s, informal activities have constituted one
of the major themes of research initiated by external demands and in the
case of Egypt and Morocco supported by funds from the United Nations
Development Programme. The informal sector is also the goal of significant
field work from the mid-1980s (CAPMAS 1985; Mahdi and Mashhûr 1990;
Salahdine 1988 and 1991). The first field research undertaken in Egypt for
example, was thanks to CAPMAS which, in 1985, studied this sector of the
economy. In Morocco, Algeria and Tunisia, studies have revealed the
implication of a growing fringe of the city population in the informal
sector of the economy (Salahdine 1988, Charmes, 1983). Anthropological
studies have proved to be interesting and try to define this, as yet,
little studied phenomena.
It is through these field surveys that one can understand the
integration process of populations exercising economic activities
qualified as « marginal » or « unstructured ». The
study of this aspect of urban life would enable us to understand how a
population which lives on the fringe of the « structured »
economy fits into its environment.
6. Unauthorized habitationIn most of the
Arab countries, urban extension is accompanied by a proliferation of
unauthorized housing. For the urbanists today, this sort of housing
constitutes an important form of the organization of space and of
production in the building context. In Cairo it shelters 1,600,000
inhabitants (20% of the capital's population) and in Morocco, 346,000
people. The present crisis, accentuated by the disengagement of the State
concerning investments, creation of jobs and urban planning explains the
development of unauthorized housing. The part of the population of town
origin in the statistics for unauthorized housing should therefore be
7. The old town centresThe attention of
researchers has not been brought to the situation of town centres and of
their future, taking into account the deterioration of the buildings and
the living conditions of their inhabitants. In the Maghreb, the traditonal
prestige of the medina and the faciltities for work and housing
that it offers have brought about an increase in its density, a change in
the social composition of its districts and a deterioration of the living
conditions of its inhabitants because of the delapidation of the drainage
system and servicing.
Also, at the cultural level, the consequences of the appearance of a
service sector based on international models in the old town structures
has hardly been studied.
8. Migration and urbanisation in the small and
medium-sized townsResearch has often dealt with migratory movements
in general and zones of gravitation (such as the metropolis) in
particular, when smaller centres have not benefited from much atttention.
However, since the end of the 1980s, researchers are interested in small
and medium-sized towns and their sites of gravitation. Migration towards
large towns in Algeria, Morocco, Tunisia and Egypt is accompanied by the
growing attraction exercised by the small and medium-sized towns which are
strengthened by local influences. In fact, in Egypt we can see a
« redistribution » of migration towards the villages situated
around the towns, some of which are being urbanized.
These phenomena are studied very little as are the seasonal migrations
linked to certain urban activities such as tourism. Recent research has
shown that in Morocco the small towns have appeared in the urban network
during the inter-census period of 1971-1982. In certain of these towns, an
important economic activity gives place to a rapid growth and brings about
a demographic evolution that is very different to that of cities with a
marginal economic development. These new economic centres contribute to
the diversification of the migratory field and announce profound changes
in the organisation of space.
Around the question of small and medium-sized towns, of their place in
the spatial disposition and the functions that they ensure, very few
research results have been published. It remains to give prominence to the
growing role of these cities in the urban process in the Arab world and in
the changes in urban and rural societies (sedentary and nomad).
9. Crises, migration and town
planningSeveral countries in the Arab world know, or have known,
forced migratory movements which have overwhelmed their demographic
landscape. It is the case of Sudan where since 1983-1984, approximately 5
million people were obliged to change their place of residence; of
Mauritania, at the time of the conflict with Senegal in April 1989; or
again of the Gulf region in 1991. These examples illustrate a situation
where ecological, food or political crises set off forced migrations often
in the direction of urban centres.
This demographic aspect is still very little dealt with in research on
mobility. However, following the invasion of Kuwait by Iraq, the Near East
saw the biggest forced migraiton of populations of these last decades: 4
or 5 million people had to leave the Gulf region.
The vastness of this migration has shattered the migratory patterns in
the Near East putting the countries which furnish labour in a difficult
economic and social situation. Thus, at the end of 1990, more than a
million people (250,000 of which were Jordanian and Palestinian) surged
towards Jordan, while at the same time, Egypt accommodated 865,000 of its
Research undertaken in the 1990s in Jordan and Sudan has begun to study
the role of crises in the modification of migratory fields and in
exponential urban growth (Seteney, 1994).
V. CONCLUSIONMigration, spatial
redistribution of populations and urbanisation inevitably affect the
population structure of Arab countries and are perceived by public
authorities and researchers as major problems in as much as the
consequences are important to development. The study of these problems
supposes a pluridisciplinary approach and analyses at two levels: the
national level, to draw up a matrix and general trends and the regional
level, to find the strategies for individual families. Demographic surveys
undertaken at the national level are useful but sometimes mask extremely
diverse situations. They would gain by being completed by more precise
surveys, of an ahthropological nature, and on a more limited geographic
scale. The census of population and habitation are precious quantitative
information for researchers and deciders, even if the questions are often
Conscious of the limits of global analyses, the statistical services,
which conduct these frequent surveys on a sample (this is the case in most
of the countries of the Maghreb and in Egypt), attempt to orient research
towards new methods of specific measures for urban problems, notably the
practice of one-off surveys spread out in time. In fact, if the global
approaches are necessary to get a hold on the general trends of the urban
process, they sometimes pass in silence certain elements of the
urbanisation process such as the migratory trajectories of individuals or
urban activities known as « informal ».
The evaluation of urban research in the Arab world does however bring
to light the weaknesses at the level of the means made available to
researchers as well as the too rare field studies. Managers and planners
are often confronted with phenomena that they have not been able to
foresee. This is partly due to the tools of analysis, conception and
realization which do not allow them to learn about the often complex urban
Footnotes(1) The Global Urban
Research Initiative (GURI) is an international network regrouping thirteen
research centres in developing countries. The project is coordinated by
Richard Stren, Director of the Center for Urban and Community Studies,
University of Toronto (Canada) and financed by the Ford Foundation. Three
works have already been published in the framework of this programme:
Urban Research in the Developing World. Africa (1994); Asia
(1994); and Latin America (1995).
(2) The Arab world which counted 25% towndwellers in
1950 and 30% in 1970, will attain 66% at the end of the century; see
CHALINE. Les villes du monde arabe. Paris, Masson, 1990, p.18.
(3) Against 211 in 1977.
(4) Against 31% in 1966.
(5) Thus, at the time of the last inter-census period
(1984-1994), 86 new communes had been created.
(6) Against 52.8% at the time of the census in
(7) The growth rate for Cairo and Alexandria went
respectively from 2.5% and 2.6% between 1960 and 1976 to 1.7% and 2.3%
between 1976 and 1986.
(8) This in spite of the growth of the towns of Port
Said and Suez evaluated respectively at 3.4% and 4.1% and linked to the
return of families who deserted the Suez Canal zone because of the wars
Growth rate of urban and rural populations and
of the most densely populated towns
No. in 000|
Source : United Nations Statistical Yearbook, Washington,
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About the authorMostafa Kharoufi is a
sociologist and geographer from Morocco. Researcher at the 'Centre
d'études et de documentation économique juridique et social' (CEDEJ),
Cairo, then at the 'Institut de recherche sur le Maghreb contemporain
(IRMC) in Tunis, he is presently working with the 'Conseil national de la
Jeunesse et de l'avenir (CNJ) in Rabat. Among his publications are Les
nouvelles formes de la mobilité dans le monde arabe and Société et
espace dans un quartier du Caire (Dar -el-Salâm): secteur 'informel' et